In the last post (click here to read part 1) I introduced you to George Washington Plunkitt. Plunkitt was a notable figure in the Tammany Hall political machine in New York City. In 1905 he dictated a book. An unusual book that laid out, without varnish or obfuscation, how political machines work. His chapter titled “Honest Graft and Dishonest Graft” is still used on occasion in college classes today.
George Washington Plunkitt’s book was, essentially, a blueprint for how to engage in legal political corruption. Yet, here’s one point about it that fascinates me. Plunkitt was unabashed in his belief that this system was a good one. It would be easy to read his book, realize all the corruption made Plunkitt rich, and chalk his viewpoint up to that alone. But, having read the whole book (it’s around 100 pages, it doesn’t take up that much of one’s time), I think Plunkitt is more complex than that. George Washington Plunkitt felt the system he profited from was also good for democracy. And in one respect, he was right.
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George Washington Plunkitt & Democracy
The main ingredient in the Plunkitt system missing today is that Plunkitt’s politics were personal. The book gives dozens of examples of how he personally took part in the lives of his voters. When a fire happened, and people lost their homes, Plunkitt showed up for them personally. He provided clothes and a short-term place to live, no questions asked. People didn’t have to wait for an impersonal social service organization to investigate, determine if need existed, and then fill out forms. Plunkitt understood that suffering people need help immediately. He provided that help. Plunkitt knew that if people saw him helping those who needed it, votes would follow.
Likewise for a constituent who was down on their luck. Plunkitt always kept a list of jobs on hand he could use to reward deserving people. He also claimed to know the name of every voter in his district, including some of the children born in any given year. (I’ll admit, as someone who struggles to remember names, I’m a little jealous.) Kids in his district knew that the sight of George Washington Plunkitt equaled candy.
The point I’m making is that Plunkitt knew politics worked best when people had a relationship with their elected officials that went beyond marking a ballot. Plunkitt’s politics wasn’t about schmoozing with big donors at exclusive fundraisers. He hardly ever gave a speech. One chapter of his book is titled “The Dangers of the Dress Suit in Politics.” In it, he states flatly, “Putin’ on style don’t pay in politics. The people won’t stand for it.” At another time Plunkitt writes, “A day before the election, my enemies circulated a report that I had ordered a $10,000 automobile and a $125 dress suit. I sent out contradictions as fast as I could . . . and I suffered some at the polls.”
So What?
It’s a legitimate question. So what that Plunkitt had a relationship with many of his voters? He still profited at their expense in the end, right? Well, again, that’s true. His style of politics was woefully inefficient and very corrupt. My intent is not to defend the way Plunkitt operated. At least, not all of it. But I ask you, when people who claim to be disenchanted with politics today are asked why they don’t care about politics, what do they say? Many offer some variation on the statement “Politicians don’t care about people like me.”
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